The Grand Design
First published: 1977
"The appalling thing
... is not the tumult but the design"
(Essays on the French Revolution).
The ways in which people try to explain what is happening in the world
around them, whether in politics or economics, can be divided roughly
into two classes. Or, as some would put it, there are two theories of
The one held by the majority of people hardly deserves to be called a
theory, but if that word must be used, then let us call it "The Idiot
Theory". Why "The Idiot Theory"? Because it insists that no one is to
blame for the way history unfolds; things just happen. Likewise, the
actions and policies of politicians, when they produce results we don't
like, are simply the product of mistaken ideas, misunderstandings, lack
of sufficient information. Or, as some Americans would say: "History
unfolds as the cookie crumbles" - the precise way in which the
proverbial cookie crumbles being beyond all human control.
The late President Roosevelt, possibly in an unguarded moment, made a
simple statement of the rival theory when he remarked: "Whatever
happens in politics, you may be sure there is someone who wanted it to
happen and made it happen". He would have had much to answer for if
that test had been applied to all that happened while he was President
of the United States.
Douglas Reed was foremost among those who declared, with Roosevelt,
that when things happen in the world of politics and economics,
especially when they continue to happen with marvellous consistency,
then they are being made to happen and are meant to happen.
His experience before World War II as the London Times's Chief Foreign Correspondent
in Europe, his familiarity with all the principal actors in the
unfolding dramas and tragedies of those years, left him in no doubt
that politicians, as a rule, are activated always by motives, and very
often by motives which they take the greatest care to conceal. The real
task for the investigator, therefore, is to look for and find the
Like so many before him and after him, Reed had merely rediscovered a
piece of ancient wisdom which the Romans summarised in two words
pregnant with meaning: Cui Bono?
Or, as we would say when trying to unravel some political mystery: Who
stands to benefit?
In this little book Douglas Reed presents in a highly compressed form
the story which emerges when this simple test of cui bono? is applied to all that
has happened in the world since before the beginning of the 20th
Century, right up to the present day. It is a simple, well written
story which helps us to understand that changes in the world which
disturb most ordinary people, leaving them confused and worried about
the future, have been deliberately brought about and are part of a
conspiratorial jig-saw puzzle which he has described as "The Grand
Reed rendered a most valuable last service shortly before his death in
August 1976 by reducing to some 13,000 words a history of our century
which could be expanded into enough books to fill a large library.
Those wishing to emancipate themselves from that sickness of mind and
heart engendered by what they are told by the mass media will be
greatly helped by this brilliantly written summary which serves as an
introduction to the masses of excellent literature available.
Indeed, there is not a page in Reed's little book which could not be
expanded into a large book. In many cases the necessary books are
already available. The mention of the American traitor Alger Hiss, for
example, reminds us that a long shelf would be needed to accommodate
the books which have been written on this subject alone, the best of
them being Witness, by
Whittaker Chambers, the former Communist, whose evidence it was which
sent Hiss to prison for three years.
Can the story of The Grand Design be still further compressed? We can
but try! Conspiratorial activity has been going on from time
immemorial, conducted by different groups with different ends in view.
Winston Churchill, writing with all the authority of a member of the
British Cabinet, made it clear in 1922 that he regarded the Bolshevik
Revolution, like the French Revolution over 100 years earlier, as part
of what he called "a worldwide conspiracy".
That, however, is only one half of the story of The Grand Design of
which Douglas Reed writes. The other half can be traced back to Cecil
Rhodes, the South African multi-millionaire mining magnate, who had
grandiose visions of a world government to be run mainly by people of
his own Anglo-Saxon race, with some assistance from their cousins the
Germans. This scheme he launched with his millions and it blossomed
after his death into the Rhodes Scholarship Trust, the Royal Institute
of International Affairs and similar organisations in America, the most
important of these being the Council on Foreign Relations.
Cecil Rhodes, we may be sure, would turn in his grave if he could see
what has happened to his own secret and semi-secret enterprise, with
its huge funds and its highly intellectualised and inflated "idealism"
supplied by John Ruskin, high priest of Britain's so-called
Pre-Raphaelite movement in art and literature. Rhodes would find that
it has been taken over by that other lot of conspirators (mentioned by
Churchill), whose "ideal" of world government is best exemplified by
what has happened in the Soviet Union.
So today the conspiracy is like a highjacked airliner. Many of the
passengers, still hypnotised by the Rhodes "vision" think they know
where they are going, while the highjackers, with 2000 years of
conspiratorial training and experience behind them, KNOW where they are
going - and it is not the destination the passengers have in mind. It
needs only full exposure to thwart and destroy a criminal conspiracy
which has many wellintentioned but misguided people in its thrall - and
no one has contributed more to the process of
exposure than Douglas Reed.
THE CENTURY OF THE GRAND DESIGN
"... We are beginning
an era that will make the achievements of the past look like two bits.
No limit to our progress can be seen ... by 1930 we shall be the
richest and greatest Country in the world!"
(The Razor's Edge by Somerset Maughan)
Thus spoke one of Mr. Somerset Maugham's heroines in the 1920's and all
agreed that he accurately captured the sanguine American mind. Today,
fifty years later, the words sound like a joke. The 200th anniversary
of the Declaration of Independence has been celebrated and the state of
America is woefully different from that prognosis: indeed, George
Washington, were he to return, would shrink appalled from the shape he
Inextricably held in the coils of an international conspiracy of which
the last eight Presidents were the prisoners, his republic is becoming,
de facto if not de jure, a satellite of the Soviet
Union and will not see the year 2000 in anything resembling the shape
he bequeathed to it. By "covert and insidious methods" (his phrase) the
principles and admonitions of his Farewell Speech have been abandoned,
and America, like a pirated ship, has lost all control of course and
The conspiracy against nations has succeeded in hijacking the American
inheritance of wealth and energy and diverting it to the purpose of
destroying nations and setting up the world dictatorship.
Now that the 20th Century is three parts done, the track of the
conspiracy can be charted and its promoters identified. Only the
lunatic fringe and the perjured public men still deny that it exists.
The initiates have long since made public their plan for a world where
nationhood would be a punishable offence, a plan, in fact, for a world
concentration camp. The great Plan now overshadows our every day and is
the reason why we live in a present without a future.
The conspiracy has gained so much ground in this century that the
attempt to bring off the final coup by the time the Christian clock
strikes two thousand seems certain to be made. The instrument is ready:
the Mafia-like mob in New York called the United Nations: it was
created to destroy nations.
The conspiracy is so old that efforts to trace its ultimate source
flounder in the sands of time: the fanciful might picture it
originating with the devil in council. It has reappeared periodically
through the ages and between times seemed to become dormant or defunct:
but it was always there.
DIALOGUE IN HELL
Five hundred years ago Machiavelli propounded the basic idea of world
government: rule without any scruple of justice or humanity. Then the
conspiracy hibernated for three centuries until the Bavarian Government
in 1785 discovered the documents of Adam Weishaupt's Illuminati, which
showed that it was fully active and as evil as ever. Weishaupt's
disciples gave the Reign of Terror during the French Revolution its
Then in the mid-nineteenth century Maurice Joly revived Machiavelli's
ideas in his Dialogue in Hell
Between Machiavelli and Montesquieu. In 1897 the most explicit
exposition of the methods of the conspiracy appeared in Russia: The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
This title was probably chosen for purposes of obfuscation: too many
non-Jewish names have appeared, down the centuries until today, in the
story of this conspiracy for the Protocols to be considered the product
of an exclusively Jewish cabal. The thing is evidently a compendium of
earlier manuals of conspiratorial practice, but it is the clearest and
most evil of them. To peruse the Protocols is to look into a dark pit
filled with writhing, evil shapes: the work induces in most people
feelings of nausea, of intimate communion with evil. All evil thought
since time began is in these few pages.
By the methods there laid down America was infected when this century
began: the disease spread there and then into the surrounding world,
like a cancer. So effective are the age-old practices prescribed that
the American Republic has been taken over, as it were, by sleight of
hand or pickpocketry: the victim has remained unaware of his loss or of
his own helot's plight resulting from it.
The Protocols were translated into European languages in the 1920's,
and the effect was explosive. Their truth, attested by results already
visible, was immediately seen.
The Times (then still a trustworthy newspaper) asked, "Which malevolent
society made these schemes and is now triumphing over their
realisation? ... From where does the weird gift of prophecy spring that
partly has come true and is partly to be realised? Have we fought these
years to destroy the nefarious organization of the German Empire,
merely to discover behind it a much more dangerous conspiracy because
of its secrecy?"
The Times was right: that was
exactly the fact of the matter. But when, 25 years later, the outcome
of yet another war even more clearly revealed the existence of "a much
more dangerous conspiracy" The Times,
with all the world's newspapers, had nothing to say about it. By that
time The Times, and all the
others, themselves observed that "secrecy" which it thought so
dangerous in the 1920's.
CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE
When the Protocols were published "secrecy" (people might have thought)
was finished. Far from it: the public debate about the Protocols was
immediately quashed by a frantic clamour of "forgery" and
"anti-semitism" from all parts of the world.
Following the precepts of the Weishaupt papers and the Protocols, the
conspiracy proved that it was able to control the public debate, and
from that day no public man has dared mention this, the most important
document of our century and the recognisable blueprint of our universal
catastrophe. "Secrecy" is no longer necessary when open debate is
forbidden, and that has become the case.
A notable authority, Lord Sydenham, took a lonely stand against this
conspiracy of silence, to which by the 1940's all the world submitted.
The source of the Protocols,
he said, was an irrelevant matter: the vital thing was the vast store
of evil knowledge they contained and the results already achieved. As
to that, O. Henry or Damon Runyon might have said, in the American
vernacular, "You ain't seen nuthin' yet".
Lord Sydenham died before he could see the much greater spread of the
conspiracy and the suppression of all public mention of its manual, (in
some countries, by actual official ban: in others, by tacit agreement
among politicians, newspaper owners and editors). The content of the Protocols, as Lord
Sydenham perceived, was the paramount thing, not the origin. Here some
mind or minds knew everything that was to happen in the new century,
and how it was all to be brought about. The same mind or minds knew how
the Bolshevist revolution was brought about.
Even before that revolution America (all unknown to its people) became
the creature and financier of it. The first open sign of this came in
1917, when America entered the First War. President Wilson then
welcomed "the wonderful and heartening things" that were happening in
Russia (the revolution) and the next day authorized credits amounting
to 325,000,000 dollars for the provisional government there.
PLENTY OF MONEY
This was the start of something that has continued ever since. Without
American money there would never have been Communism, or the
abandonment of hundreds of millions of people behind the Berlin line to
a concentration camp lethally enclosed by electrified wire, mines,
machine-guns mounted on sentry-towers and searchlights that play all
While he was still in Europe Lenin wrote to Angelica Balabanoff, then
secretary in Stockholm of the International: "Spend millions, tens of
millions if necessary: there is plenty of money at our disposal".
The flow of American wealth and treasure in every imaginable form went
on through the fourteen Rooseveltian years, and those of Truman,
Eisenhower, Johnson and Nixon and continues today. It began with a man
who until his death remained unknown to the American masses and of whom
few Americans since have heard. This man, behind the scene, enabled the
conspiracy to reduce the Washingtonian Republic to the plight of hired
man of the revolutionary conspiracy.
He is one of the great wreckers of the 20th Century, and in the
destructive effect of his scheming the peer of Stalin. His name was
Edward Mandell House, and he prefixed it with an unearned military
title: "Colonel" House. The unusual middle name, "Mandell", probably
held some allusion recognisable to fellow-conspirators (who often
identify themselves to each other by code-names, as the Freemason knows
a brother by his handshake).
This obscure Mr. House, long before the conspiracy triumphed in Russia,
was its creature in America. He shunned publicity, but engineered the
choice of Woodrow Wilson for President in 1912. Mr. Wilson was the
first of the marionette presidents who were required by their captors
to do what they were told. President Wilson's welcome to and financial
support for the revolution in Russia were acts dictated to him, and so
was his introduction of the graduated income tax according to Karl
Marx's Communist Manifesto.
The historian owes gratitude to Mr. House (mankind owes him only
tribulation) for the revealing picture he left of a conspiracy
"managing" the frontal politicians from behind the scene. In 1912 a
leftist American publisher issued a "novel" (Philip Dru, Administrator)
authorship of which Mr. House disclaimed and then admitted. This
described in fictional form a "conspiracy" (the author's word) which
succeeded in electing a puppet-president by means of "deception
regarding his real opinions and intentions".
THE PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER
A character in the book (evidently Mr. House himself) enlists the
support of a group of wealthy men in choosing a candidate for the
presidency, and invites a potential candidate to dine "in my rooms at
the Mandell House". The candidate (called "Rockland") is instructed
that he must never go against the advice of his sponsors. (Here is seen
the start of the regime of "the advisers" who haunted the White House
for the next sixty years and dictated the actions of successive
The best known of these "advisers" was Mr. Bernard Baruch, also
recognisable in the tale as one of the stern "sponsors" of the new
puppet-president. Mr. Baruch, who came to be popularly acclaimed as
"the adviser to six Presidents", was an obsessed advocate of despotic
world government and to his "advice" may be traced the disastrous
course of American foreign policy which to thoughtful Americans (as Mr.
Gary Allen says) "for the past three decades has been a compounding
mystery and concern. Administrations have come and gone like the Ides
of March but spring never arrives".
But Mr. Baruch went on forever, or nearly, and advised his six pupils
to follow the path leading to despotic world government. The mob, led
by the kept press, and ignorant of the kind of advice he was giving or
of its effect on themselves, lustily applauded the veteran "adviser"
through six presidencies.
Philip Dru is enthralling
reading for the student of this century's managed ordeal and of the
conspiracy. "Rockland" (the president-select) "once or twice asserted
himself and acted upon important matters without having first conferred
with the 'advisers'. For this indiscipline he was bitterly assailed by
his sponsors' newspapers and made no further attempt at independence
... He felt that he was utterly helpless in these strong men's hands,
and so, indeed, he was".
President Wilson presumably read the book and if he was capable of
feeling humiliation, must have suffered severely. He pined into
senility and at last was pushed out of the White House (or locked away
inside it by his second wife, a determined woman who was for some time
the de facto President).
Another fascinating glimpse of life behind the conspiratorial scene is
given in this "novel": namely, that "bugging" was already known to the
plotters of 1908! Another man in the plot, a Senator, visits one of the
big-banker group and tells the whole story of "Rockland's" nomination
and riggedelection campaign. He also describes "Rockland's" "effort for
freedom" and his recall to duty, "squirming under his defeat". The
"exultant conspirators laugh joyously" at this.
Their mirth is shortlived because they find that the conversation has
been recorded by an eavesdropping machine concealed in the next room
and given to a newspaper, which publishes it.
The attentive reader will note that, sixty years later, President Nixon
was brought down by "tapes" recording his conversations, to which his
enemies' ears listened.
I append a footnote of my own to this strange story. Mr. Baruch went on
his advisory way from president to president, but no doubt retained a
healthy respect for "bugging" devices. This, I fancy, is the reason why
he came to be known as "the park-bench statesman". He could do no wrong
and the suggestion of "folksiness" implicit in this description made
him even more popular with the idiot mob.
The first puppet-president, Wilson, died, the stomach of America having
revolted against his "League to Enforce
Peace" (obviously, by war!) and its amended version, the League
of Nations, the first trial world-government. The world owed a debt to
the America of that period, still with its healthy love of country.
Wilson was followed by three Presidents, Harding, Coolidge and Hoover,
who were non-Illuminist, as far as one now can tell, and then the
Gadarean slide was resumed with the choice and election of Mr.
Roosevelt, who hastened from the nomination convention to Mr. House in
Massachusetts, from whom, evidently, he received the same instructions
about his duty to his "sponsors" as "Rockland" (Wilson) received in Philip Dru.
Mr. House told his biographer in the 1950's that he "was still very
close to the centre of things, although few people suspect it." He was
(for the second time) "close to the movement that nominated a
president" (Roosevelt), and this new president gave him a "free hand in
advising the then Secretary of State".
Such was the ominous sponsorship of a most ill-omened presidency.
THE ROOSEVELT ERA
Now followed the disastrous fourteen Roosevelt years. Briefed (as were
"Rockland" and Wilson) by Mr. House, what Mr. Roosevelt was told to do
became clear as soon as he entered the White House. He recognised the
Soviet Union forthwith and resumed the financing of the Soviet which
Wilson began. This continued throughout his fourteen years and parallel
with it went infiltration of Soviet agents into the American
Administration, at all levels.
Roosevelt, a crippled man, was evidently as putty in the hands of his
"sponsors": when a repentant Communist informed him that a Soviet agent
held a high post in the government, he told his informant to "go jump
in the lake - but only in much cruder language". The man he protected
was the traitor Hiss, who "managed" the Yalta Conference to abandon
half of Europe to the Soviet plague and was a founding father of the
United Nations, the second trial world government.
Under Mr. Roosevelt the conspiracy spread its cancerous capillaments
ever deeper into the American body politic. Its mastery of the press
and all means of public misinformation produced in the American masses
that condition of bewildered inertia which the Protocols foresaw as
ideal for the consummation of the great Plan. Two decades of this
treatment anaesthetized the healthy instinct which led "the rubes on
Main Street" to reject the Wilsonian League. Now the men behind the
scene worked feverishly to have the world slave state come out of the
approaching war against slavery.
"Colonel" House died on the eve of the Second War. Mr. Baruch, his
collaborator in the selection and disciplining of President Wilson, now
became the chief manager of the Washingtonian Republic's decline.
Unlike the secretly scheming House, Mr. Baruch was publicly known and
adulated by the lapdog Press as the permanent adviser of presidents and
"park-bench statesman". This name particularly endeared him to the mob,
which thought to see in him "the man in the street" who from simple
fellow-feeling sat among the common "folks" in Central Park. (I think I
might be the only spectator who related his park- benchmanship to the
"bugging" episode in Philip Dru,
and understood why he took an obvious precaution against being taped).
Mr. Roosevelt, responding mindlessly to the articulated mechanism of
the marionette, may yet have realised that he was being used for the
aggrandisement of the Communist Empire and the ruination of his own
country. This is implicit in "a strange statement" (Mr. Robert
Sherwood, a Roosevelt biographer and White House intimate) which
Roosevelt made when urged to quote in a wartime speech Mr. Churchill's
encomium: "The United States is now at the highest pinnacle of her
power and fame". Roosevelt objected, saying "We may be heading before
very long for the pinnacle of our weakness".
This looks like the open confession of purpose by a man of long
servitude to the conspiracy who had come to make its destructive
ambition his own. This revelation of truth, as always, went unheard by
the public masses, but probably was bruited around with glee by the
Communist conspirators who were rife in the Roosevelt Administration.
When Hitler's attack in 1941 on Russia brought the Soviet Union into
the Allied side, Mr. Baruch's influence became even more powerful, and
also his ability to direct the course of the war towards the
consummation devoutly desired by him. He was ever insistent, in both
wars, that the times demanded "one man" as an administrator, not a
board. In the First War he was
the "one man", becoming head of an "Advisory Commission" to the Defence
Council, of which an investigating committee of Congress said after
that war (in 1919):
It served as the secret government of the United
States ... it devised the entire system of purchasing
war supplies, planned a press censorship, designed a system
of press control ... and in a word designed
practically every war measure which the Congress
subsequently enacted, and all this behind closed doors, weeks and even
months before the U.S. Congress declared war against
Germany ... There was not an act of the
so-called war legislation afterwards enacted that had not before the
actual declaration of war been discussed and settled
upon by this Advisory Commission ...
1914-1918 war ended before Mr. Baruch could show all that he had in
store for the American people. In 1935 he stated "had the 1914-1918 war
gone on another year our whole population could have emerged in cheap
but serviceable uniforms", shoe-sizes being the only permissible
Mr. Baruch in these words revealed his vision of a future America: a
faceless mindless mob allowed only to do allotted labour, provided with
identity numbers and bread cards.
Mr. Baruch was not appointed to be the "one man" when the Roosevelt War
Production Board was set up, but the man who was appointed was a
creature of his, one Harry Hopkins, and even Mr. Baruch could not have
disposed of America's wealth more autocratically than he or more
perfectly in accordance with the Plan.
THE PRESIDENTIAL “FIXER”
I am not aware that this Mr. Hopkins ever received any particular
appointment enabling him to act as an imperial despot. Presumably Mr.
Roosevelt, who loved to picture himself as the common man, just said,
"Go right ahead, Harry".
Anyway, this Hopkins was the product of the conspiracy and could only
by this qualification have become permanently resident in the White
House. Even Mr. Churchill was taken in by this almost illiterate
"fixer" who could have boasted (like Mr. House), "No important
foreigner has come to America without talking to me ... All the
Ambassadors have reported to me frequently ..."
In past times, when the West was toiling upward to some state of
civilization, men who came to high places in their countries brought
with them some token of experience and qualification. Mr. Hopkins had
no such background. Like Dr. Kissinger thirty years later, he was
publicly unknown when he began to bestride the narrow world like a
Colossus. He had hopped around in the East Side from the claque for
Caruso and Geraldine Farrar to a stint with the Red Cross in 1917,
returning then to charity appeal work in the slums. Acquaintances
depict him: "an ulcerous type, intense, jittering with nerves, a
chain-smoker and black coffee drinker".
This man, says Mr. Sherwood, was "in all respects the inevitable
Roosevelt favourite", (a more damning disparagement of Mr. Roosevelt
could hardly be imagined). He was a dying man from 1937 and under
Roosevelt in the next eight years became the global replanner and
dispenser of billions. The American Congress and people alike were by
that time bamboozled by their president and the corrupted press into
thinking that all was well, but an occasional voice was heard in
Congress asking to know more about the uncontrolled, and unrecorded,
transfer of treasure to Moscow. This annoyed the bountiful donor, who
dealt with Congress as the conspirators dealt with "Rockland" in Mr.
"The United States" (he said, in answer to a proposal that before
further aid was given to Soviet Russia full information should be
required about their military situation), "the United States is doing
things which it would not do for other nations without full information
from them. This decision to act without full information was made with
some misgiving ... but there is no reservation about the policy ... it
is constantly being brought up by various groups for rediscussion. I
propose that no further consideration be given to these requests for
Thus spoke Mr. Hopkins from East Side, and lo! it was so! (Whereat the
conspirators no doubt "laughed joyously").
The conspiracy had taken firm grip on the American Republic. When the
Second War ended with the "peace" conference at Yalta, Stalin saw his
own henchmen (including Hiss) on the other side of the table so that
the parley ended with the abandonment by the Western allies of half
Europe to the Communist conspiracy.
The Yalta Conference, historically considered, marked the end of the
Washingtonian Republic and of the British Empire. The process of
dissolution began there. Mr. Roosevelt and his "inevitable favourite",
Hopkins, both returned to America to die. These two men did more to
destroy the West than any invader could have achieved.
THE “NO-WIN” WARS
Roosevelt was succeeded by the Vice-President, a Mr. Harry Truman from
Missouri, who soon gave proof of following dutifully the
Wilson-Roosevelt (and House-Baruch) course. Re-elected in 1948, he
declared war on "the Communist aggressor" in Korea in 1950. For a
moment the American people thought the debacle of the Second War was to
be amended and the Communist invader trounced. Few, if any of them had
read Philip Dru, or they
would have known that their rulers always practised "deception
regarding their real opinions and intentions".
The American people responded loyally to the call to rescue at least
one small country from the Communist plague, and their wartime allies,
Britain, Australia, Canada, South Africa and the rest sent troops to
join in the crusade.
It was all "deception". When the successful American commander,
MacArthur, wished hotly to pursue a beaten enemy across the Yalu, Mr.
Truman sacked the general. Then Korea was partitioned, like Germany and
Europe, and the Communists were left in possession of the northern
half. This was the first of the "no-win" wars in which American troops
were sent to fight against aircraft, artillery and armour supplied
during the war by Mr. Hopkins to the Communists.
At this time Hiss had been exposed, the Canadian Government had
published the full story of Communist agents and spies infiltrating
into its administrative machine, and the story of British traitors was
also beginning to become known. "Communism in government", therefore,
was a matter which even the American masses could understand and the
cry for a cleaning of the stables was growing to a clamour. At this
very juncture Mr. Truman (no doubt recalling Mr. Roosevelt's "Go jump
in the lake") dismissed the public demand to "clear out the
Communists", as merely "drawing a red herring" across the debate, and
the American tragedy (unless it is a comedy) continued.
Mr. Truman was succeeded in 1952 by General Eisenhower, the formerly
unknown American army officer who was catapulted over numerous seniors
into the supreme command of the Allied invasion of 1944. This general
used his command power to reject the British General Montgomery's plan
to shorten the war by striking hard for Berlin after the successful
invasion of Normandy. The effect of this obviously politically
motivated action was to reserve Berlin, and therewith half Europe, to
THE WORLD GOVERNMENT EXPERIMENT
Historically, General Eisenhower must be seen as a conscious agent of
the Communist conspiracy. He cannot have ignored the obvious effect of
his action. He was indeed one of a growing number of men in high places
who supported the aims of the conspiracy through their membership of an
invisible-government-type body called the Council on Foreign Relations,
which effectively operated as a secret world government organisation
inside the American machinery of government (it was formed in 1921
after the failure of the first experiment in world-government, the
League of Nations, and with growing strength pursued the ambition all
through the inter-war years).
General Eisenhower began his presidency with the now common, almost
obligatory obeisance to Mr. Baruch, whose biographer, evidently after
consultation with the great Adviser, summarised the recommendations
which Mr. Baruch would probably make to the new Administration.
General Eisenhower quickly and dutifully confirmed this prognosis,
telling Los Angeles electors, as if to demonstrate his servitude, "I
believe if Bernie Baruch were here tonight he would subscribe to every
one of them" (he was referring to recommendations which, according to
the biographer, "related entirely to preparatory mobilisation for war,
controls, global strategy" and the rest of Mr. Baruch's oft-repeated
recipes for a "one man" controller, or dictator).
When the Second War ended Mr. Baruch was 75. His vigour was unabated
and his imperial vision boundless. The two atom bombs, exploded in
August 1945, prompted him to still greater ambitions. Like some ancient
Hebrew prophet, he cried, "I offer you living or dying". "Hasten", he
cried. "Hasten" (or, as the Broadway barker might have put it, "Hurry,
hurry, hurry"). "Hasten, the bomb will not wait while we deliberate."
What was needed, obviously, was "one man".
Mr. Baruch availed himself of the seeds of human panic sown by the two
bombs to proffer himself "for the most vital undertaking of his life,
the devising of a workable plan for the international control of atomic
energy, and for achieving its adoption by the Atomic Energy Commission
of the United Nations" (his biographer).
President Truman duly appointed Mr. Baruch U.S. representative to the
United Nations in March 1946. The "Baruch Plan" was then worked out "on
a park bench" (where else?) together with a crony from 1919 Peace
Conference days, one Mr. Ferdinand Eberstadt. In those days Messrs.
House and Baruch had worked hard to push through a "League to Enforce
Peace", but a few responsible statesmen were still extant then and they
talked it out.
Nevertheless, all through the between-war years of 1918-1939 the
conspirators worked away at their pet proposal to set up a
supernational high command with "teeth" to enforce its dictates, and
now Mr. Baruch's Plan of 1946 went as far as even the most zealous of
them could wish.
He presented his Central Park Plan to the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission
in June 1946. He began, in Hebrew-prophet vein, by saying: "We (sic)
must elect world peace or world destruction." Atomic energy must be
used for peaceful purposes and its warlike use be precluded. To that
end, "we" would have to provide for "immediate, swift and sure
punishment of those who violate the agreements that are reached by
So the "League to Enforce Peace" idea was dished up again: merely, the
word "penalisation" was substituted for "enforce", but the same thing was meant: a supernational
dictatorship with "teeth".
Mr. Baruch's crowning proposal was for a Nuremberg-type court,
apparently of permanent nature, to be set up to inflict this
"penalisation". He explained that "individual responsibility and
punishment" could be prescribed "on the principles applied at Nuremberg
by the Soviets, the United Kingdom, France and the United States".
Finally, Mr. Baruch proposed the creation of "an Authority" (one man?)
to supervise all atomic energy activities potentially dangerous to
world security. "Immediate and certain penalties", continued Mr.
Baruch, were to be fixed for illegal possession of an atom bomb or for
"wilful interference with the activities of The Authority".
Even the embattled conspirators in the Western governments and in the
United Nations choked slightly on this heady stuff, and despite the
compliant Mr. Truman's announcement that the White House and State
Department endorsed The Plan, it was talked out and shelved - to be
brought out again after any third war.
Mr. Baruch then resigned and resumed his permanent Advisorship. He died
in 1965 having greatly harmed his fellow men and his country. A
numerous phalanx of powerful men, ensconced in the Council on Foreign
Relations, carried on the House-Baruch world-government conspiracy. No
escape from these toils offered the American Republic in the last
quarter of this century.
From the start of his presidency, General Eisenhower revealed his
continuance of the House-Baruch line. He looked on the Republican
Party, which still contained a dwindling number of conservative-minded
men, as his enemy, and thought of founding a new party which would
offer the electorate "enlightened and progressive ideas" (as propounded
by Marx and Lenin). He only abandoned this idea when Senator Robert
Taft, the natural Republican leader, died, and when
Senator Joseph McCarthy was "censured". These events left Eisenhower in
control of the
Republican Party, for its sins.
At that time masses of Americans saw in McCarthy the only man who told
the truth about Communist infiltration of government and America's
involvement in the world-government
General Eisenhower, himself tarred with this brush through his
abandonment of half Europe to the Communist conspiracy, particularly
hated Senator McCarthy. This became known and as at a given signal the
kept press opened up a deafening chorus of "witch-hunt" against
McCarthy. Any who have kept copies of this Senator's speeches and
pamphlets can check for themselves that he did not make unsubstantiated
charges. He had no need to: what had become publicly known about the
treachery of Hiss and the group around him was ample enough to support
McCarthy's arraignment of successive presidents.
But the strength of the conspiracy was shown by the way McCarthy, like
others before and after him, was politically destroyed. The Senate
"censured" McCarthy for "conduct unbecoming a Senator", and Eisenhower
warmly thanked the chairman of the censuring committee, one Watkins,
for "doing a splendid job".
When the Eisenhower presidency ended, in 1960, he had served the
conspiracy well through suppressing public discussion of Soviet
infiltration and espionage by his attack on McCarthy. His presidential
years were rife with Soviet efforts, through a horde of spies in the
United States, to gain full knowledge about the atom bomb and its
method of production. These efforts succeeded, so that the Communists
made their own bomb.
The eight Eisenhower years showed that subservience to the World
Revolution continued to be the paramount rule of American governmental
Under this paramount law, American generals if they encountered
Communism anywhere in the globe, were forbidden to defeat it: the
Soviet arsenals and armouries were kept bulging with armaments paid for
with American loans and credits: these were used to kill many thousands
of American and allied soldiers: and each successive American president
became the patron and protector of Communism within the governmental
CONVERGENCE WITH COMMUNISM
In 1960 Eisenhower was succeeded by John Kennedy, scion of an immensely
wealthy Massachusetts family. He was assassinated before his first
four-year term ended, but his previous career showed that there would
not have been any change, had he lived to complete his term. The reason
for his assassination has never become publicly known. His life was cut
short before he could show what he could or would do, but all the signs
are that he too would have followed the course set by his four
A story was put about that he had "stood up to Moscow" by demanding,
and obtaining the withdrawal from Cuba of Soviet missiles there,
pointed Americaward, which were discovered by aerial photography. If
this were true, he would have mortally offended the Revolution, and
this would offer a feasible explanation for his murder.
The story was as manna in the desert to the American masses, thirsting
for an affirmative answer to Senator Robert Taft's question, "Do we
really mean our Communist policy?"
Unhappily, the story was never confirmed and in the context of American
policy in this century seems improbable, so that the murder remains
Another mysterious event of the short Kennedy presidency was the attack
on Cuba by an illorganised force of Cuban exiles, which ended in such
an appalling fiasco that it might have been betrayed beforehand by
someone in the State Department or Council on Foreign Relations.
The Vice-President, Mr. Lyndon Johnson, took the dead president's place
and occupied it until 1968 without diverging from the House-Baruch
American presidents, because of their subservience to the overriding
dogma of world government, tended to become shadowy figures and Mr.
Johnson was not more sharply focussed than others before him. He may be
said to have shown zeal in following the Baruch-House,
About that time the "Insiders" of the Council on Foreign Relations let
slip a phrase which indicated what that line was. Allusions to a
"convergence with Communism" appeared here and there in the
all-powerful, and all-subservient "media", so that Americans could have
gained some idea of what was coming to them.
In 1968 the bewildered mass of Americans thought the end of the long
dark tunnel of their frustrated hopes was near, for Mr. Richard Nixon
stood and was elected with a thumping majority. He was the man whose
name was connected with an event of 1949 in which Americans of
traditional allegiance had seen one bright light during the bewildering
years: the exposure and conviction of the traitor Hiss. True, Hiss was
only convicted of "perjury" in denying that he was a Communist agent or
had abstracted top-secret documents and transmitted them to Moscow: the
influence of the conspirators was strong enough to protect him from the
graver charge of "treason" and the greater penalty. Still, he had been forced into the light and
had been convicted, and Congressman Richard Nixon had done it.
It seemed that deliverance had come, like a cleansing wind. Here,
thought the electors, was a man who really "meant his Communist
policy". He had proved it, nineteen years ago, true: but that was not
forgotten. It was so rare, in these times of presidential protection
for spies and traitors, to find a man who believed as honest folk
believed and suited his actions to his beliefs. There had only been one
other such, McCarthy, and he had been "smeared" and was dead.
It was one more illusion, Mr. Nixon was no different from the other
presidents. He too was made to toe the line. Electioneering, he
promised a drastic rooting-out of Communists in government: little, or
nothing was done.
Nixon surpassed even previous presidents in deficit-spending on
"welfare state" notions. He made the familiar pilgrimage to Moscow and
virtually wrote off the Soviet wartime Lend-Lease debt of
$9,100,000,000, and offered a further $2,500,000,000 in credit for the
purchase of American exports.
Fifty years after Wilson, America was still to be the banker of the
THE WATERGATE AFFAIR
Mr. Nixon was accompanied on his Moscow trip by the recently-discovered
Dr. Kissinger, born in Germany, who in his rocket-like rise to
international power and vast undertakings reminded me of that other
"profoundly ominous man", Harry Hopkins.
His first four presidential years showed that Mr. Nixon was doing all
he could, by zeal in following the Roosevelt-Truman-Eisenhower line, to
expunge from the memory of the conspirators his achievement in
obtaining the conviction of Hiss. It was in vain: all through the
twenty years between the "media" had maintained an unremitting tirade
against him. He had mortally offended the conspiracy by that and they
could not forgive him or let him forget.
The conspirators prepared to "get" him. They followed one of the
precepts laid down in the Protocols for gaining control of politicians
or agents likely to be useful. It is, to obtain knowledge (or
manufacture knowledge) of some shady episode in a man's past, some
scandal which can be used to cow or blackmail him. Every Scotland Yard
or FBI detective who has had to do with the tactics of Communist
espionage can quote instances where this technique has been used.
Now President Nixon's turn came to suffer this ordeal by forged
evidence and mass intimidation. Had he read Philip Dru, or understood why Mr.
Baruch preferred to do business "on a park bench", he need never have
fallen into the trap.
Early in his second term the American Secret Service installed a
monitoring system in the White House which in its omniscient knowledge
of what went on there probably excelled anything in the world. The
sound of a human voice automatically set the tapes working. The
President could not stir in the White House without his movements being
recorded and followed by buzzers and flashing lights on the monitoring
apparatus. Every word the President spoke was recorded, (as he thought
for his private benefit).
The reason for this elaborate set-up became clear when the word
"Watergate" became part of mobparlance. The Watergate building
contained the Democratic Party's offices. The burglary was done with
the utmost publicity short of placards proclaiming or loudspeakers
announcing: "The Democratic offices are being burgled by the
President's order". After the initial "discovery" one burglar returned
to the scene of the crime and was found to carry a notebook with (guess
what?) a White House telephone number in it.
The word "Watergate" then spread over the world. I was in various
countries at the time and grew to loathe the spectacle of the booboisie
telling each other all about "Watergate" as if they had consulted the
oracle and now were privy to the most closely guarded secrets of doings
and goingson in high places.
Mr. Nixon, not having read Philip Dru,
was taken aback by the sound and fury of the attack on him and at
first, probably knowing nothing of the "burglary" but what the press
told him, could not take the affair seriously, so that he refused
assent when a Senate Committee, investigating the affair, called for
tapes of his private conversations (unhappily for him, these were not
"private": they were overheard by those out to "get" the president).
The tapes! They had been spinning endlessly, recording every word of
his innumerable conversations. The president thought them privileged,
private. But someone had listened to these miles and miles of tapes,
someone on the watch for the smallest slip or contradiction. The
President appealed against the Senate Committee's order to produce the
tapes and the Supreme Court upheld the Senate Committee's order. By
this time it was obvious to all that the tapes contained something
which might be used against the President, and that someone knew what
it was. The exact portions of the tapes to be produced were specified.
The President, obviously, had been surrounded by spies
in his own White House.
The plot thickened to its appointed end. On June 23, 1972 the
President's voice had directed the Central Intelligence Agency to halt
the Federal Bureau of Investigation's enquiry into the "burglary". On
May 22, 1973 the President had made a public statement denying that any
use had been made of the Central Intelligence Agency "for domestic
A gasp of horror went through the great country where two presidents
had refused to remove the Soviet arch traitor from the State Department
(in Mr. Truman's case the Canadian Prime Minister, no less, had
provided the ignored information) and had given him protection to do
his worst for the United States: the same country where a third
president had used all his influence to have the one consistent
anti-Communist censured and made politically outcast.
Now the kept press and radio kept up their clamour that President Nixon
was guilty of the heinous crime of "covering up" (the burglary) and of
"obstructing the course of justice". In the White House the cloaked
men, the keepers of "the tapes", gathered round the president and
whispered "Resign, resign!"
The cumulative strain was too much for Mr. Nixon, who already had
twenty-five years of this unrelenting vituperation behind him. His
physical collapse was visible in the pictures shown. By the methods
described in the Protocols and in Mr. House's "novel", he was thrown
out of office, the first American President ever to be so humiliated.
The conspiracy won its greatest victory. What American president would
dare to step out of line, after this!
THE MONEY POWER
The Vice-President, Mr. Gerald Ford, succeeded to the White House. He
was an appointed, not an
elected vice-president, having been chosen by Mr. Nixon when his
original vice-president, Mr. Spiro Agnew, fell by the wayside somewhere
along the line.
In the light of preceding events 'It was difficult to see Mr. Ford
doing anything so unorthodox as rebelling against the forces which had
proved too strong for all preceding presidents in this century. He, in
turn, appointed Mr. Nelson
Rockefeller as vice-president, who is on record as saying "When you
think of what I had, what else was there to aspire to?" (but the White
House). His appointment brought him (as Mr. Gary Allen commented)
"within a heartbeat" of the White House.
Mr. Nelson Rockefeller is a member of an enormously wealthy family, or
dynasty, whose interests are worldwide and deep-rooted. The
"conspirators" of Mr. House's Story
of Tomorrow, (which has proved to be a photographic forecast of
all that has happened in and to America in this century) were immensely
wealthy men. The massive fortunes accumulated in America by a
relatively small group of men in the last hundred years have been put
to serve the purpose of the Revolution, and of the world dictatorship
designed to come of it.
These great fortunes have usually left behind them great bequests
ostensibly to be devoted to noblesounding purposes, particularly
"international peace". Most of them have in fact served as hideyholes
for agents of the conspiracy: they are exempt from the "graduated
income tax" introduced by Woodrow Wilson at his "sponsors'" behest.
The fact is demonstrable that the Communist revolution was from the
start financed by money from America and that the great fortunes
substantially contribute to the "invisible government" (the Council on
Foreign Relations) which for decades now has been steering America
towards "convergence with Communism", and towards the ultimate world
super-state. Thus Mr. Nelson Rockefeller's appearance on the stage at
this late (possibly penultimate) stage in the game is of particular
The student of these affairs constantly finds himself confronted by
other, less-advanced seekers to truth who snarl at him, "Why would rich
men support Communism, eh? Explain that. It doesn't make sense!"
This writer always advises such innocents abroad to accept the
incontrovertible fact that the thing is, and to work back from that
point to the "Why?" He might take as starting point the testimony of an
unassailable authority, Professor Carroll Quigley (Tragedy, And Hope, Macmillan,
London, 1966). Professor Quigley, who has the advantage of himself
being of the "Insiders" with inside experience of the conspiracy at
work, says, "There does exist and has existed for a generation an
international ... network which operates, to some extent, in the way
the radical Right believes the Communists act ... This network ... has
no aversion to co-operating with the Communists ... and frequently does
Another diligent explorer, Mr. Gary Allen (The C.F.R., Conspiracy To Rule The World,
American Opinion, Belmont, Mass., 1969) says, "Why would international
bankers and financiers be interested in promoting a Socialist World
Government? Clearly, socialism is only the bait to obtain the support
of the political underworld and to create the structure necessary to
maintain dictatorial control. What this small group of financiers and
cartel-oriented businessmen are interested in is monopolistic control
over the world's natural resources, trade, transportation and
communications ... something that despite their great wealth they could
not achieve otherwise. Therefore the supercapitalists
become super-socialists, realising that only a World Government under
their control can give them the power necessary to achieve their goal.
Only this could explain why these extremely wealthy men would be
willing to support movements which seem to be aimed at their own
THE ANGLO-SAXON PEOPLES
I quoted at the start the word of Mr. Maugham's American heroine about
the boundless future of the United States: "... by 1930 we shall be the
richest and greatest country in the world ... no limit to our progress
can be seen ..."
About the same time (the 1920's) Mr. Noel Coward was composing a
patriotic milestone drama about England, Cavalcade, which met the public
yearning for reassurance about the future and made him, as he says,
"extremely popular". As the curtain fell, his heroine, glass in hand, drank
"to the hope that this country of ours, which we love so much will find
dignity and greatness and peace again ..."
The positive expectations of Mr. Maugham's "Isabel" and the wistful
hopes of Mr. Coward's "Jane" were alike doomed to disappointment.
England, in fact, was caught in the same world-government conspiracy
that was destroying America, and its leaders promoted the aims of the
conspiracy as effectively as Presidents Wilson and Roosevelt.
The plight of the American Republic, seventy years after the
House-Baruch partners "captured" President Wilson and set him to work
preparing the One Government Of All The World, was bound to have some
effect on the other English-speaking country across the Atlantic, the
one where I was born.
CHURCHILL: MAN OF PARADOXES
Mr. Winston Churchill once during the Second War said that England and
America were going to get "somewhat mixed up" and added that he could
not stop that process even if he wished: he welcomed it.
He was a man of occasional, strange paradoxes. A patriot of patriots,
he never explained that strange statement, which to most Englishmen,
and probably to most Americans, was inexplicable and unwelcome. He had
no brief for so disputable an assertion. When he made it America was
evidently, to any diligent observer, in the grip of a conspiracy which
was dragging it towards "convergence with Communism" and the World
Slave State. Mr. Churchill's whole life-story seemed sure to make him
shun any involvement with "world government" plans.
Oddly, like all American presidents of this century, he was a devotee
of Mr. Bernard Baruch, whose world-government efforts went back to the
first World War and the bid at the Versailles Peace Conference to set
up a "League to Enforce Peace"; a first attempt to establish world
government in the confusion following a world war, which was foiled by
the able Secretary of State, Mr. Robert Lansing, who clearly saw the
intention to foist war upon the world in the name of peace (Mr. Lansing
was soon removed from office, the first of a long series of Americans
who paid the price for opposing the conspiracy).
A significant incident in Mr. Churchill's career was the receipt of a
deathbed letter to him from President Roosevelt asking him "to see
Bernie Baruch as soon as convenient ..." Mr. Churchill answered that
"Bernie is one of my oldest friends and I am telegraphing to say how
glad I am he is coming. He is a very wise man."
The two had "long and intimate talks". During these Mr. Baruch
presumably spoke of the atom bomb soon to be exploded (it would never
have been dropped without the foreknowledge and approval of the great
Adviser) and may have informed Mr. Churchill of his intention to
propose the establishment (once the bomb had been exploded) of an
authority with monopolistic rights in its use and control, and power to
inflict quick and condign punishment on any who offended The Authority.
History does not record what Mr. Churchill thought about this, the
greatest Baruch Plan: it would obviously have meant that "dissolution
of the British Empire over which I have not become the King's first
Minister in order to preside".
THIS WORLDWIDE CONSPIRACY
The dissolution of that Empire followed before his death. His inner
feeling about the world government, which was evidently meant to be set
up in its wake, is unclear. In 1920, when the revolution in Russia and
its authors were subjects of lively public discussion (this was before
an occult censorship effectively stopped all free discussion of such
matters) Mr. Churchill wrote an article in the Illustrated Sunday Herald which
showed that he perfectly understood the nature and authors of the
revolution and the methods of conspiracy. Being asked in 1953 for
permission to reprint that article, he had his secretary refuse.
Certainly, Bernie ("a very wise man") would not have approved of that
article, for his favourite notion, the despotic world government with
powers of enforcement, was the very child of that revolution. Mr.
Churchill must certainly have been aware of the world government
conspiracy because in various forms it preoccupied the minds of many
leading men during his lifetime and he moved in their company.
In the later decades of the 19th century, when England and the Empire
were at the zenith of their might and renown under the great Queen, the
world government conspiracy (as the developing fluid of time now
reveals) was already eating, cancer-like, at the entrails of the
Commonwealth. The conspirators were no cloak-and-dagger persons of the Cafés des Exilés type.
They were public men of renown and great wealth, as in America.
THE NEW IMPERIALISM
The man whose name first appears in the story on the eastern side of
the Atlantic, although his ideas obviously grew out of earlier
conspiracies such as that of Weishaupt, was John Ruskin. He was of the
type for which the modern vernacular has found the name, Do-Gooder, a
tribe of which may be said that the evil they do lives long after them.
He was deeply moved, in that period of the industrial revolution, by
the contrast between great wealth in Victorian England, and the poverty
of the lower orders, and became famous, in his day, for his impassioned
championship of "the downtrodden masses".
Ruskin's life ended with a mental breakdown, as is sometimes the lot of
beings who come to think themselves godlike. Ruskin's "new imperialism"
rested on the theory, which he imparted to his aristocratic students at
Oxford, that their privileged lot in life could not be preserved unless
the English lower classes were absorbed into it, and it extended to
"the non-English masses throughout the world".
Ruskin's ideas made a great and fatal impression on the mind and life
of Cecil Rhodes, the gold-and-diamond multi-millionaire from Kimberley.
Rhodes's name is commemorated in that of the little country, Rhodesia,
which seventy years after his death is waging a lonely struggle against
a world of enemies, leagued together in the
world-government-conspiracy, on the path of which Rhodesia is a small
but obdurate obstacle.
What Rhodes's ambition was is a question befogged by the different
opinions of his biographers, who assert variously that "the government
of the world was his simple desire" or that he wanted to "paint the map
of Africa red" (i.e. British).
The words of his first will should make the matter clear (but where, in
conspiracy, which always deals in "deception regarding real intentions
and opinions" is anything ever quite clear?) for he states the ambition
of "extending British rule throughout the world ... and founding so
great a power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the
interests of humanity". Worldgovernment proponents always proclaim that
eternal peace will come of their plans, and simultaneously contend (as
Mr. Baruch ever contended) that war must be made on any who question
their dominion, so that this verbal flourish need not be taken
What is clear is that out of Rhodes's initial moves grew the
world-government conspiracy that undermined all good government in
England and America in the century that followed Rhodes's death in 1902.
Rhodes's wills set up the secret society which was to pursue his
ambition through the century to come. The first (the secret society
will) took the Society of Jesus as organisational model (Weishaupt
similarly used the Jesuitical structure as model for his Illuminati).
THE RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS
Another will endowed the "Rhodes Scholarships" under which young men
from the Empire, Germany and America were to be brought to Oxford for
specialised training so that "after thirty years there would be between
two and three thousand men in the prime of life scattered all over the
world, each one of whom would have impressed on his mind in the most
susceptible period of his life the dream of the Founder, each one of
whom, moreover, would have been specially, mathematically selected
towards the Founder's purpose ..."
What, then, was the Founder's purpose? Was it "simply the government of
the world" or "the extension of British rule throughout the world"?
Rhodes's planning took definite shape in 1891 when, with his
collaborator and literary apostle, William Stead, he formed his secret
society with himself as leader and Stead, Lord Esher and Sir John
Milner (later British High Commissioner for South Africa) as members of
an executive committee. A "Circle of Initiates" was to be formed with
Mr. Balfour, Lord Rothschild, Sir Harry Johnston and other personages
prominent on the South African scene. The outer circle (the pattern of
circles-within-circles used by Weishaupt and the Communists) was to be
an "association of Helpers" (in the Communist vocabulary such "helpers"
are known as "friends" or "useful fools".)
If Rhodes's dream or purpose was in fact "to extend the British Empire
to encompass the world" its dissolution within sixty years of his death
in 1902 was this "imperial statesman's" mocking epitaph. If his "simple
desire" (a biographer, Mrs Millin) was "government of the world", the
conspiracy he set in motion was far advanced towards this aim after
those sixty years.
He left behind him a "circle" of publicly renowned men who were
(privately) devoted to that ambition. Outwardly they appeared to be
rocklike pillars of Empire (as their counterparts in America seemed to
be steadfast upholders of the Declaration of Independence).
Lord Milner became leader of the Round Table organisation begotten by
Rhodes's secret society of 1891. When I joined The Times in 1921 I became vaguely
aware of the existence of a band of brothers known as "Lord Milner's
young men". I little recked, then, of what they might be at, or could
ever imagine that their work, fifty years later, would entwine itself,
poison-ivy-like, around my life and lot. One of them, Mr. Geoffrey
Dawson, became editor of The Times
in my day.
Another initiate was Mr. Philip Kerr who held many offices in British
South Africa and became, as Lord Lothian, British Ambassador at
Washington. Another was Mr. Lionel Curtis, who took over leadership of
the Round Table group when Lord Milner died. Something in the South
African air seems to have produced this abundant crop of Round Table
schemers at that period.
Some of these gentlemen took the loftiest view of the shape their
future world government would assume. Lord Lothian held that "we should
strive to build the Kingdom of Heaven on this earth" (and added that
the leadership in that task "must fall first and foremost upon the
English-speaking peoples"). At that phase in his scheming "Colonel"
House across the Atlantic was also talking about rebuilding the world
on a basis of the "solidarity of the Anglo-Saxon peoples".
On both sides of the Atlantic the conspiracy was from the start one of
wealthy men: in South Africa, Rhodes, Lord Rothschild (to whom Rhodes
at one stage bequeathed his money), Sir Abe Bailey and Alfred Beit: in
America, the great money-dynasties of Morgan, Rockefeller, Carnegie and
others. One might naively wonder if these great men ever considered the
human suffering their ambition would involve, particularly during the
Second War, which brought the conspiracy a giant stride nearer its
goal. Probably not: great men as a rule are completely cynical about
any whom the Juggernaut crushes, provided that the Juggernaut continues
towards the destination which they desire.
INSTITUTES OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
The great men involved in this often had differing views about the
shape of the consummation desired by them. The languid and lisping Mr.
Balfour, a typical fin de siecle
figure, much in demand by the ladies for their Victorian patball
parties, held that the world government should be a Jewish one. Mr.
House, across the Atlantic, wrote of establishing "Socialism as dreamed
by Karl Marx" as the golden rule of world government.
Before and after the First War the conspiracies of Rhodes and House
began to converge. In the antechambers of World War One the schemers
were already busy preparing to set up world government on the ruins.
The attempt, at that first bid, was foiled by the American people, who
spotted the thief in the woodpile, and discarded President Wilson.
The One World conspirators at once regrouped and reorganised their
forces for the next bid, through another war. Mr. Lionel Curtis was
charged to reshape the Round Table group and established throughout the
"English-speaking" lands separate "front organisations" (to use the
Communist phraseology) each pursuing the common ambition behind a
facade of fine-sounding designations.
In England this became the Royal Institute of International Affairs,
which absorbed the membership of the ci-devant
Round Table group. In America Mr. House's dictum about "deception
regarding real opinions and intentions" was honoured in the name chosen
for the new body which was incorporated in 1921: the Council on Foreign
In the next fifty years, until today, this became the invisible
government of the United States, supplying the government with
increasing numbers of its graduates and in fact directing American
state policy towards that "convergence with Communism" which is the
truth behind the official protestations of undeviating antagonism to
This CFR has become the protégé of the great banking
dynasties and its membership now comprises fourteen hundred leading
names in American banking, industry and communications. This invisible
government has provided the men to fill nearly all the top posts in the
Administration during the past forty-five years. Hence the course of
American foreign policy, which by rights is the domain of the Secretary
of State. For many years every Secretary of State has been a CFR man,
and when he was not, a CFR appointee was leapfrogged over him. Witness
President Roosevelt's Harry Hopkins in the Second War and Dr. Kissinger
today: both these publicly unknown men bestrode the narrow world like a
colossus and the groundlings paid the price.
The innocents abroad (and who is not "abroad" in this dark and haunted
terrain of international conspiracy?) can always be heard plaintively
asking, "Why?", or alternatively, "How can wealthy men back those who
seek to destroy them?"
I am not in these great men's minds but think the answer is contained
in some words which I heard the late Lord Birkenhead use, once long
ago. This was in the late 'Twenties, when even to hint that peace might
not be eternal was to earn the epithet, "Warmonger". Lord Birkenhead, a
realist said warningly, "There are still glittering prizes to be won"
(by making war), and the next morning had the whole coyote-like press
pack yelping "Warmonger" at him.
I see no other explanation for these dealers in death (for such their
worldwide concentration camp would be) than this dazzling allure of the
glittering prize. The One-Worlders aim at monopolistic control of the
sources of wealth, of which they now control only "a piece". Total
control cannot be acquired by purchase and payment: only world
government offers the ultimate seat of power. In Karl Marx's paradise
this absolute power would obtain: in that utopia the human being would
be nothing, a zero.
An authority with long-term inside knowledge of the conspiracy, (Prof.
Carrol Quigley, Tragedy & Hope,
Macmillan 1966) says:
There has existed for a
generation an international network which operates to some
extent in the way that the
radical Right believes the Communists act. In fact, this
network, which we may indicate as
the Round Table Groups, has no aversion to cooperating
with the Communists, or any other
groups, and frequently does so.
In the two decades following its incorporation in Paris in 1921 the CFR
went from strength to strength, and prepared, through its stranglehold
on American foreign policy, to prepare the way for the next attempt to
set up world government after another war. When it came, its agents
were able to present the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour (of which
warning had been given to and ignored by President Roosevelt) as a
dastardly surprise ("a day which will live in infamy").
While the war went on the CFR was busy, through an Advisory Committee
on Post-War Foreign Policy completely staffed by its appointees, laying
the basis for the World State designed to come of it. This group
designed the United Nations as the keystone of the World Superstate,
and at the founding conference at San Francisco in 1945 the man
subsequently convicted as a Communist traitor (Alger Hiss), was
FROM FAR AND WIDE
When the Second War ended I, and many other British writers, left the
suffocating climate of postwar England, where the Socialists waited,
like vultures on a bough, for the England where I grew up to breath its
I was already, in my little way, a victim of the great conspiracy.
Before the Second War I published a book which gave warning of its
imminent approach, and because it broke out promptly I was held up as a
man of brilliant foresight and insight. My eminence lasted but an
instant. When I saw, and wrote, that the war was being fought merely to
build up Communism, I was howled down as a Fascist and soon found that
I was on every publisher's black list.
Thus I brought no illusions with me to South Africa where I arrived,
like Othello, my occupation gone. For the next thirty years the spate
of anonymous letters and newspaper attacks continued, that is, until
today. Humble workaday scribe though I was, I found that the
world-government conspirators could not, or would not forget me: no
sparrow might fall from a roof, I gathered, but that their minions
plausibly presented this as a foul, reactionary and
Even I was not beneath their notice, I found from this unending
vituperation. That was not the worst: I saw that the last chapter of my
life, like the twenty years between the two wars, was to be spent in
the shadow of another threatening war: and it, like the other two wars,
was designed to be one more move towards world government.
After two years in South Africa I paid a visit to America and was there
when the abominable Hiss was at last exposed and (reluctantly)
convicted. I saw how numerous were his friends and patrons, how
powerful they were to protect him and cover up his deeds. I saw that
the man who denounced him was pilloried on every hand, reduced to
poverty, kept in fear of his life (he soon died: the other still
lives). I saw how the Widow Roosevelt, the "Madame de Farge" of the
conspiracy, openly placed herself before him and even referred
jeeringly, in court, to his accuser as "the defendant".
I felt in my journalist's bones that this America could not long
survive in the shape hitherto familiar to the world: it was rotting at
the core. I learned of things more directly menacing to South Africa,
and to me and my young wife and her babes who lived there.
I learned that President Truman, having stepped from the
vice-presidential into the presidential shoes on Roosevelt's death, had
grandiose plans for Africa, where he had never been, of which he knew
I saw the red light at once. Had Mr. Truman inherited the House-Baruch
plan from Mr. Roosevelt? If so, life in South Africa was going to be
Mr. Truman soon showed that he had indeed inherited the fatal
"sponsors". I believe he was never outside America before he became
president: he was a typical product of the American political machine,
which, as manipulated by the House-Baruch group, produced presidents
pre-tailored to a pattern of submissiveness.
Now Mr. Truman, or someone in his name, produced a programme of
bountiful undertakings in the world, Point Four of which related to
Africa, a place quite unknown to him. Under "Point Four" he proposed to
build great roads and railways, ports and airports and the like more.
Obviously he had neither the knowledge nor the experience to have hit
on such notions unaided. Someone was speaking through him, Charlie
Simultaneously, the Communist leader in America (at that time, a Mr.
Earl Browder) came out with a programme of gigantic undertakings in
Africa which was in its essentials a duplicate of Mr. Truman's Point
Neither of these benefactors, America and the Soviet Union, had any
presence or foothold in Africa. How, then did they propose to get there
and do these wonderful things? At this point my blood ran cold, as the
saying is: I saw what was coming and returned to Africa with visions of
earlier thundercloud days in Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland heavy
on my spirit.
I wrote a book about my discoveries in America (Far and Wide). I think it was the
last one I was allowed to get published in England and it brought me
even more obloquy than the preceding three or four. This book acquired
a habit of vanishing from library shelves. Librarians, consulted by me,
said they knew this was happening but could not catch the
AMERICA AND RUSSIA
The parallelism of American and Soviet policy, under the invisible
guiding hand of the CFR, was again shown by this announcement of the
two great Plans. The two "World Powers" (with the enfeebled British one
trotting behind them like a carriage dog) were united in the resolve to
carry out Lenin's dictum that the expulsion of the colonial powers from
their territories was essential to the achievement of the world
revolution. The Soviet power avowedly desired this: American presidents
continued to preach opposition to Communism and to practise support of
it. President Roosevelt protected the Communist traitors in his
administration: President Truman sacked the American general who wanted
to win the war against Communism in Korea.
The game went on, plain for all to see, but very few perceived its
Next, President Truman, evidently desiring to show zeal to his
sponsors, sent a roving emissary to Africa, a Mr. Mennen "Soapy"
Williams, who stumped the continent calling for South Africa to be
"brought to its knees".
Africa (this became obvious) was to be the new area of Communist
expansion, aided and financed by America.
Following Mr. Truman's lead, every aspiring politician and newspaper
editor in the world joined in furious attack on the White governments
in Southern Africa, and this continues as I write, nearly thirty years
This down-with-the-White-man campaign was immensely popular with
politicians everywhere, who always rejoice to be able to divert
attention from matters at home by pointing a finger at countries far
away, and the further the better. Thus, politicos in places as distant
from the scene as Australia and New Zealand, the enslaved countries
behind the Berlin Wall, and the banana republics of Central America
happily stayed in office year after year by this simple method of
crying "Fie!" and sternly gazing in the direction of South Africa,
thousands of miles away across the oceans.
THE PLAN FOR AFRICA
Africa at that period was a continent of order under the colonial
powers, Britain, France, Belgium and Portugal. Unnumbered centuries of
infant mortality, lethal diseases, slave raiding and tribal wars had
left it a depopulated continent until the white man came, who put a
stop to all those things, so that in the 19th century it rapidly became
an over-populated continent.
The orderly process, and the rule of law, were all to be changed when
the conspiracy took Africa in hand. America and the Soviet Union set
out hand in hand to destroy everything that had been gained, and to
recreate Darkest Africa. American politicians fell into paroxysms of
simulated moral indignation about the colonial powers and their
treatment of the Black man (who soon would look back on the colonial
era, when a man could call on the law even against his chief and the
witch doctor, as the golden age).
In America all the politicians saw in the anti-White man campaign a
vote-winning ticket. Macaulay might have said of America at that time,
even more truly than of the England of his day, that "We know of no
spectacle so ridiculous as the public in one of its periodical fits of
morality". For example, a Mr. Robert Kennedy (younger brother of the
late President John Kennedy) came to Africa with his wife and was
accorded the hospitality of Natal University for a violent diatribe
against the South African Government. I watched this disreputable
performance with the eyes of a man who had seen two generations of
politicians whipping the mob towards its own destruction.
In America, too, Mrs. Roosevelt, gave much vent (publicly) to her
feelings of indignation and compassion about the Black man, and helped
(privately) to arrange for supplies of arms to the terrorists in Angola.
What was coming was clear: America, under any president at all, was to
help Communism take over Africa.
For a decade this farce continued and then, lo presto and behold, the
colonial powers revealed that they too were in the plot. There was no
irresistible pressure on them to quit. They received their marching
orders from somewhere and just upped and went. One day they were there
and the next they were gone, reacting like marionettes to the hidden
strings. Belgium went first, then France pulled out of Algeria, and
Ah, then! Was Britain to desert and dissolve the Empire, and to abandon
alike the White people there and the Black ones who still in some
places seen by me kept the picture of the great Queen in their kraals
and trading stores?
Yes, even that. The man chosen to read the dictated death sentence was
the British Prime Minister of the day, a Mr. Harold Macmillan. He spoke
with the turn of voice and phrase which the frontal politicians of my
unfortunate country are adept in using to gloss over an act of perfidy.
"The wind of change", Mr. Macmillan told the Cape Town Parliament, was
blowing Britain out of Africa. The wind of change! In any anthology of
political prevarication this rates a high place. The wind bloweth where
it listeth, and no "wind" was blowing the Empire away. It was being
broken up by decisions reached long before in secret conclave, and its
demolition was done to clear the way for the world-government
Followed, in all the British territories, the pantomime of abdication:
flags being lowered, plumed hats and gold-encrusted uniforms worn a
last time, a Royal Personage handing over the deeds and so on. The only
truth behind this woeful pageant was that the Black man was being
handed back to slavery.
BACK TO DARKEST AFRICA
In the next ten years the Black man foretasted the future which had
been arranged for him. "Independent" Black states emerged on all hands,
and in all of them the politician with the most guns shouldered his way
to the front and took over, to be thrust aside a little later by
another of the same kind who had been supplied with weapons by someone
or other. The tale of carnage and chaos will never be told: it followed
the same pattern everywhere, and the world was indifferent to it
anyway. Darkest Africa was back.
Of the White man's era only South Africa remained (which immediately
broke away from the Empire), and Rhodes's Rhodesia, which saw that it
was to be betrayed and proclaimed Independence on the Washingtonian
model on November 11, 1965, and the eastern and western coastal
territories of Mozambique and Angola, where the Portuguese had been
since before the British Empire or the America Republic were thought of.
The Sixties and Seventies, therefore, were filled with the enraged
clamour of the outer world (particularly America and England) against
these remaining White-governed territories. In England the Socialists
were in office and they had long awaited the moment of imperial demise,
like vultures on a bough intent on the victim's last breath. The
Socialist leader, a Mr. Harold Wilson, habitually used the language of
George III's prime minister, Lord North, about the Rhodesians. They
were "rebels", he declared.
After canvassing the feeling of the British army about an attack on
Rhodesia, and drawing blank, he announced at Blackpool (to the cheers
of terrorists in the balcony) that he would give "unconditional
support" in arms to the Communist bands which succeeded to power in the
Portuguese territories neighbouring Rhodesia when the beleaguered
Portuguese, after thirteen years of siege by the entire world,
collapsed in 1973.
I was in Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique during these years, and
although my own part in the imbroglio was but that of one small leaf in
a gale, I felt that I was hard done by, after my embittering years in
Europe between the wars, in being caught up in yet another chapter of
the great conspiracy's expansionist thrusts.
I returned from Rhodesia, Mozambique and Angola to South Africa to
await what yet might come. What came, in 1975, was the proof that Mr.
Truman's "Point Four" of 25 years earlier, was a simple restatement of
the parallelism of American and Soviet policy, jointly leading to a
Communist takeover in Africa.
Angola gave clear token of that. Soviet arms, originally financed by
America, were supplied to one of the contending factions which fought
for power when the Portuguese left, and the Soviet called in Cuban
troops to ensure the victory of that faction.
The American President at that time was named Ford (the only difference
between successive presidents was that of name: in subservience to the
overriding world government conspiracy they were all alike) and he was
seen, a shadowy figure on the television screen, making sounds of
formal disapproval of the Soviet and Cuban incursions into Africa.
The real effect of these sotto voce
remonstrances was nil: America led the world in tacitly accepting the
deed and the appearance of Black Communist states on the eastern and
western shores of Africa.
By this time it was obvious that no American president, with the
example of President Nixon's overthrow ever in his mind, would presume
to affront the pupils of the House-Baruch school, embattled in the
Council on Foreign Relations. Whichever contestant might win the 1976
presidential election, nothing would change: and that would hold good
for any subsequent election.
THE CONSPIRACY OF TRUTH
Thus I awaited my closing years in South Africa. Already, many years
before, one of the enormously wealthy "peace" endowments in America
(the Carnegie one) had produced a battle plan, complete to the last
ballistic detail, for an attack on South Africa by air, sea and land.
This open involvement of America in the Communist conspiracy has hung
over South Africa ever since it was published in 1965. From my personal
eyrie, overlooking the turbulent scene, I saw in it the co-ordination
of another holocaust, the essential third stage in the conspiracy to
bring about the super-slave-state.
At the age I have reached, for a' that, my personal interest in the
great melodrama is only to see to it, if I possibly can, that any
tombstone of mine shall have the inscription, "He survived!" My
ambitions are modest, and for more than that I do not hope. The
conspiracy has progressed so far that it will not, possibly cannot stop
now. Too many leading men are enchained to it for that.
While they are in power over us, we shall all continue to be
Gadarea-bound, and the new age of darkness is nigh upon us. When that
comes we shall all need to start again and work for another
renaissance. Many good men and true are preparing now for that, and
tomorrow's day will be theirs. The perjurers and their kept press will
call it the counter-revolution. Its proper name will be The Conspiracy
Know the Truth and the Truth shall make