The British nation has a heritage of human skills and qualities second to none in the world. Its peoples and their offspring have colonised, and still rule, enormous areas of the earth, containing immense natural wealth. The British have not known defeat in war for two hundred years.

    Yet today Britain is rapidly being left behind. She cannot modernise her industries and services. She cannot decently house her population. She cannot make use of her best brains. She cannot pay her way among the nations. She cannot defend her interests throughout the world. She cannot stem her mounting wave of crime and anarchy. While nations defeated by Britain in battle grow strong and prosperous, Britain herself muddles on from crisis to crisis, while millions of her people still live in surroundings of squalor, ugliness and wretchedness in cities that became out of date at the end of the last century.

    What is the cause of this condition? Why does this most gifted nation fail to hold its own today? Why has Britain won the war, but not succeeded in winning the peace?

    The truth is that for the past half-century British genius and British strength have been paralysed by a poverty of leadership, by archaic political institutions and by naive and flabby political philosophies; by a system that has given the greatest power to the smallest men and which has divided the nation against itself in an endless clash of party rivalries and sectional conflicts.

    Most of all, the weakness of Britain today is the product of an intelligentsia which during living memory has been hypnotised by the madness of liberalism and internationalism, before which altars an unending succession of British interests have been sacrificed — to the impoverishment of British power and to the profit of Britain's enemies, not all of whom lie East of the Iron Curtain.

    For these follies we now approach greater crisis than ever before — not merely the transient crisis out of which one party can gain advantage by blaming another, but a deeper crisis of national existence which is the product of many decades of slow rot in the body politic.

    While crisis dawns, the older political parties of the day can do no better than to fight sham battles over the trivia of daily life, lowering the tone of British politics to new depths but utterly impervious to the central fact of national catastrophe.

    What can be done? Where lies our way out of the present muddle? This booklet proposes an answer through principles of firm action embodied in a dynamic new political faith. It is the faith ot British Nationalism — as seen through the eyes of one of Britain's post-war generation who have revolted against the spirit of national surrender endemic in current times, and who represent a new force in political life to which Britain is paying growing attention.

    This is not an election manifesto; not a set of slogans devised to goad unthinking folk for the purpose of cheap votes. Its aim is to help in rallying serious people to great long-term national tasks. It therefore proclaims broad principles of faith rather than attempt a solution to every minute issue of the moment. British Nationalism will not win through quickly or easily. We must expect long struggle before its influence becomes decisive on the political stage. For the purpose of this struggle it is important that Nationalists are united on firm essentials, even if they may differ over small details. This brief work aims to arrange and clarify such essentials in a form understandable to those new to the Nationalist movement and its ideas. What is written represents an individual view and does not imply the complete endorsement of any political party except where stated by such. It represents, in main essence, the aspirations of the British Nationalist movement generally, and is a guide to all who seek to know the nature of this movement and its aims.

BACK TO CONTENTS                                       CHAPTER 1: NATIONALISM - POLICY AND FAITH